Content
Supposing the number of “Contents” and “Not contents” strictly equal in number and consequence.
Statesman and philosopher, 1729-1797
Cited as Burke. — 404 quotations
The abandonment of the independence of Europe.
He abdicates all right to be his own governor.
Though a king may abdicate for his own person, he cannot abdicate for the monarchy.
The persons most abhorrent from blood and treason.
Whose laws, like those of the Medes and Persian, they can not alter or abrogate.
In unfathomable abysses of disgrace.
The Euripus of funds and actions.
It was, no doubt, disposed with all the adjutancy of definition and division.
A mere rant of adulatory freedom.
To things of great dimensions, if we annex an adventitious idea of terror, they become without comparison greater.
This is the only thing distinct and sensible, that has been advocated.
A nation is not an idea only of local extent and individual momentary aggregation, but . . . of continuity, which extends in time as well as in numbers, and in space.
His Grace's landed possessions are irresistibly inviting to an agrarian experiment.
Metaphysical and alchemistical legislators.
There is something else than the mere alternative of absolute destruction or unreformed existence.
They divided this their amalgama into a number of incoherent republics.
Ingratitude is indeed their four cardinal virtues compacted and amalgamated into one.
The pitiful ambition of possessing five or six thousand more acres.
Whether Catholics, Anglicans, or Calvinists.
It was one of the most critical periods in our annals.
Do they mean to annul laws of inestimable value to our liberties?
The anodyne draught of oblivion.
We are enabled to unite into a consistent whole the various anomalies and contending principles that are found in the minds and affairs of men.
The people of England will not ape the fashions they have never tried.
To approximate the inequality of riches to the level of nature.
They have always apt instruments.
The positive ascertainment of its limits.
They appear . . . no ways assorted to those with whom they must associate.
To assuage the sorrows of a desolate old man
So beautiful and so august a spectacle.
They auspicate all their proceedings.
The king serves only as a notary to authenticate the choice of judges.
A backstairs influence.
The hideous changes which have barbarized France.
The spirit of huckstering and barter.
To bayonet us into submission.
The arts that beautify and polish life.
Bemired and benighted in the dog.
Men have no right to what is not for their benefit.
They betook themselves to treaty and submission.
Your ministerial directors blustered like tragic tyrants.
The report of the committee was examined and sifted and bolted to the bran.
Next, she means to bombard Naples.
A theatrical, bombastic, windy phraseology.
A people with whom I have no tie but the common bond of mankind.
Savoy and Nice, the keys of Italy, and the citadel in her hands to bridle Switzerland, are in that consolidation.
I will own that there is a haughtiness and fierceness in human nature which will which will cause innumerable broils, place men in what situation you please.
Those planks of tough and hardy oak that used for yeas to brave the buffets of the Bay of Biscay.
Those old prejudices, which buoy up the ponderous mass of his nobility, wealth, and title.
Who is it that admires, and from the heart is attached to, national representative assemblies, but must turn with horror and disgust from such a profane burlesque and abominable perversion of that sacred institute?
Sir, this vermin of court reporters, when they are forced into day upon one point, are sure to burrow in another.
To set it upright again, and to prop and buttress it up for duration.
The deliberations of calamity are rarely wise.
Long habits of calculative dealings.
Ambition is no exact calculator.
No previous canvass was made for me.
The expenditure of the capitalist.
Their inhabitans slaughtered and captived.
The part they take against me is from zeal to the cause.
At best, he is but a channel to convey to the National assembly such matter as may import that body to know.
The chastiser of the rich.
So many clogs to check and retard the headlong course of violence and oppression.
To cherish virtue and humanity.
To shuffle from them by chicane.
The whole clan of the enlightened among us.
He was no great clerk, but he was perfectly well versed in the interests of Europe.
A dependent and cliental relation.
I should hardly yield my rigid fibers to be regenerated by them; nor begin, in my grand climacteric, to squall in their new accents, or to stammer, in my second cradle, the elemental sounds of their barbarous metaphysics.
All the ancient, honest, juridical principles and institutions of England are so many clogs to check and retard the headlong course of violence and opression.
Time has by degrees blended . . . and coalited the conquered with the conquerors.
A coarseness and vulgarity in all the proceedings.
Seduced by military liveries and cockades.
They have been inserted where they best seemed to cohere.
No cold relation is a zealous citizen.
If they let things take their course, they will be represented as colluding with sedition.
The commonwealth which . . . chooses the most flagrant act of murderous regicide treason for a feast of eternal commemoration.
The claim of commonage . . . in most of the forests.
Rich traders, from their success, are presumed . . . to have cultivated an habitual regard to commutative justice.
No pecuniary compensation can possibly reward them.
The loan demonstrates, in regard to instrumental resources, the competency of this kingdom to the assertion of the common cause.
To make them act zealously is not in the competence of law.
They look up with a sort of complacent awe . . . to kings.
A moral rather than a complexional timidity.
Though corruptible, not complexionally vicious.
The objects of society are of the greatest possible complexity.
Observe how Lord Somers . . . comported himself.
All government, indeed every human benefit and enjoyment, every virtue and every prudent act, is founded on compromise and barter.
This contribution threatening to fall infinitely short of their hopes, they soon made it compulsory.
I did not come into Parliament to con my lesson.
We concede that their citizens were those who lived under different forms.
I wished you to concede to America, at a time when she prayed concession at our feet.
A commander had more trouble to concert his defense before the people than to plan . . . the campaign.
The house has gone further; it has declared conciliation admissible previous to any submission on the part of America.
An instinct that works us to its own purposes without our concurrence.
This is the fountain of all those bitter waters, of which, through a hundred different conduits, we have drunk.
In many of these, the directors were heartily concurring; in most of them, they were encouraging, and sometimes commanding; in all they were conniving.
A state without the means of some change is without the means of its conservation.
To increase your consignments of this valuable branch of national commerce.
The punishment of tyrants is a noble and awful act of justice; and it has with truth been said to be consolatory to the human mind.
Every new advance of the price to the consumer is a new incentive to him to retrench the quality of his consumption.
The arguments of tyranny are ascontemptible as its force is dreadful.
Supposing the number of “Contents” and “Not contents” strictly equal in number and consequence.
Weighing so much actual crime against so much contingent advantage.
All the contortions of the sibyl, without the inspiration.
Persons the most bound in duty to prevent contraband, and the most interested in the seizures.
The contraband will always keep pace, in some measure, with the fair trade.
We state our experience and then we come to a manly resolution of acting in contradiction to it.
We are engaged in war; the secretary of state calls upon the colonies to contribute.
Government is a contrivance of human wisdom to provide for human wants.
Nothing aggravates tyranny so much as contumely.
The mutual convertibility of land into money, and of money into land.
An irregular, convulsive movement may be necessary to throw off an irregular, convulsive disease.
They systematically corrupt very corruptible race.
The cowardly rashness of those who dare not look danger in the face.
The . . . fabric of universal justic is well cramped and bolted together in all its parts.
To criminate, with the heavy and ungrounded charge of disloyalty and disaffection, an uncorrupt, independent, and reforming parliament.
Our circumstances are indeed critical.
The conquests of the croises extending over Palestine.
I ever looked on Lord Keppel as one of the greatest and best men of his age; and I loved and cultivated him accordingly.
Wages . . . bear a full proportion . . . to the medium of provision during the last bad cycle of twenty years.
Learning not debauched by ambition.
The republic of Paris will endeavor to complete the debauchery of the army.
Observances of time, place, and of decency in general.
A decent retreat in the mutability of human affairs.
The decollated head of St. John the Baptist.
To show what may be practicably and safely defalcated from them [the estimates].
I defy the enemies of our constitution to show the contrary.
To delude the nation by an airy phantom.
The speculative line of demarcation, where obedience ought to end and resistance must begin, is faint, obscure, and not easily definable.
They see no merit or demerit in any man or any action.
Those [qualities] which are classed under the denomination of sublime.
To denunciate this new work.
You will not think it unnatural that those who have an object depending, which strongly engages their hopes and fears, should be somewhat inclined to superstition.
Reduced to a servile dependence on their mercy.
Individual sufferers are in a much more deplorable conditious than any others.
To prove that the Americans ought not to be free, we are obliged to depreciate the value of freedom itself.
They easily prevailed, so as to seize upon the vacant, unoccupied, and derelict minds of his [Chatham's] friends; and instantly they turned the vessel wholly out of the course of his policy.
Cession or dereliction, actual or tacit, of other powers.
It derogates little from his fortitude, while it adds infinitely to the honor of his humanity.
The descendant of so many kings and emperors.
Encouragement is not held out to things that deserve reprehension.
Ask of politicians the end for which laws were originally designed.
Totally destitute of all shadow of influence.
Plain good intention . . . is as easily discovered at the first view, as fraud is surely detected at last.
We are heartily agreed in our detestation of civil war.
They devolved a considerable share of their power upon their favorite.
A diffusion of knowledge which has undermined superstition.
They made a sort of institute and digest of anarchy, called the Rights of Man.
Tell the people that are relived by the dilapidation of their public estate.
Whoever goes to the directorial presence under this passport.
I was brought here under the disadvantage of being unknown by sight to any of you.
We have ever expressed the most unqualified disapprobation of all the steps.
The commonwealth itself would . . . be disconnected into the dust and powder of individuality.
Nothing was therefore to be left in all the subordinate members but weakness, disconnection, and confusion.
Peace to arise out of universal discord fomented in all parts of the empire.
That horrible and disgustful situation.
This disobedient spirit in the colonies.
Disordering the whole frame or jurisprudence.
To respect the dispensations of Providence.
His statement . . . displays very clearly the actual condition of the army.
Displumed, degraded, and metamorphosed.
The great of this kingdom . . . has easily afforded a disposable surplus.
Men love to hear of their power, but have an extreme disrelish to be told of their duty.
It is the dissidence of dissent and the protestantism of the Protestant religion.
Dissenters from the establishment of their several countries.
It is the dissidence of dissent.
It will add infinitely dissociation, distraction, and confusion of these confederate republics.
The utmost which the discontented colonies could do, was to disturb authority.
Any man . . . in a state of disturbance and irritation.
In such a people, the haughtiness of domination combines with the spirit of freedom.
It is by lying dormant a long time, or being . . . very rarely exercised, that arbitrary power steals upon a people.
He put together a piece of joinery so crossly indented and whimsically dovetailed . . . that it was indeed a very curious show.
All the decent drapery of life is to be rudely torn off.
We do not draw the moral lessons we might from history.
When made up in dribblets, as they could, their best securities were at an interest of twelve per cent.
Far from the duplicity wickedly charged on him, he acted his part with alacrity and resolution.
The agreements . . . made with the landlords during the time of slavery, are only the effect of duress and force.
Early and provident fear is the mother of safety.
The bread I have earned by the hazard of my life or the sweat of my brow.
As to the common people, their stock is in their persons and in their earnings.
In need of every kind of relief and easement.
If they find the old governments effete, worn out, . . . they may seek new ones.
In favor of the electoral and other princes.
The more eligible of the two evils.
Firmly to embody against this court party.
Those who have emerged from very low, some from the lowest, classes of society.
Protection granted in emergent danger.
The temple of honor ought to be seated on an eminence.
All the other difficulties of his reign only exercised without endangering him.
Enforcing sentiment of the thrust humanity.
Their equalization with the rest of their fellow subjects.
The means of preserving the equipoise and the tranquillity of the commonwealth.
The troops of my escort marched at the ordinary rate.
The best established tempers can scarcely forbear being borne down.
The Norwegians were forced to evacuate the country.
The official and executory duties of government.
The expatriated landed interest of France.
Our expenditure purchased commerce and conquest.
War is expensive, and peace desirable.
It is not explicable upon any grounds.
Old exploded contrivances of mercantile fraud.
The facility with which government has been overturned in France.
Headlong zeal or factious fury.
He had famished Paris into a surrender.
The province was devided into twelve farms.
To farm their subjects and their duties toward these.
There is an order that keeps things fast.
The favorableness of the present times to all exertions in the cause of liberty.
Always existing before their eyes as a thing feasible in practice.
[She] feels with the dignity of a Roman matron.
The time is fitted for the duty.
A temper always flashy.
Flattery corrupts both the receiver and the giver.
A sort of flippant, vain discourse.
Respecting your forefathers, you would have been taught to respect yourselves.
A random expense, without plan or foresight.
[They] had forfeited their property by their crimes.
The diplomatic politicians . . . who formed by far the majority.
No mode of election operating in the spirit of fortition or rotation can be generally good.
An appearance of delicacy, and even of fragility, is almost essential to it [beauty].
I hope that no French fraternization . . . could so change the hearts of Englishmen.
Correspondence for fraternizing the two nations.
Frugality is founded on the principle that all riches have limits.
What I obtained was the fruit of no bargain.
Sad and fuscous colors, as black or brown, or deep purple and the like.
The gauge and dimensions of misery, depression, and contempt.
A sullen gloom and furious disorder prevailed by fits.
His grace will not survive the poor grantee he despises.
They derive an importance from . . . the gravity of the place where they were uttered.
As valid against such an old and beneficent government as against . . . the greenest usurpation.
For the gross of the people, they are considered as a mere herd of cattle.
A . . . specter, in a far more terrific guise than any which ever yet have overpowered the imagination.
The other divisions of the kingdom being hackled and torn to pieces.
I never could drive a hard bargain.
Covered with the awful hoar of innumerable ages.
The commons do not abet humorsome, factious arms.
Let us identify, let us incorporate ourselves with the people.
An enlightened self-interest, which, when well understood, they tell us will identify with an interest more enlarged and public.
One illicit . . . transaction always leads to another.
Its operation is slow, and in some cases almost imperceptible.
The most unjust and impolitic of all things, unequal taxation.
I take the imports from, and not the exports to, these conquests, as the measure of these advantages which we derived from them.
On the first inclining towards sleep.
A full incoming profit on the product of his labor.
They are quantities incommensurable.
Rancorous and incurable hostility.
Indecision . . . is the natural accomplice of violence.
It was useless and indecorous to attempt anything more by mere struggle.
Men find that something can be said in favor of what, on the very proposal, they thought utterly indefensible.
Indemnification is capable of some estimate; dignity has no standard.
In hot reformations . . . the whole is generally crude, harsh, and indigested.
The authority of Parliament must become inefficacious . . . to restrain the growth of disorders.
Laziness and inertness of mind.
It was inevitable; it was necessary; it was planted in the nature of things.
They are at inexpiable war with all establishments.
Their reason is disturbed; their views become vast and perplexed, to others inexplicable, to themselves uncertain.
The sealed fountain of royal bounty which had been infamously monopolized and huckstered.
A degree of credulity next infantine.
A sufficient argument . . . is inferable from these premises.
The body, or, as some love to call it, our inferior nature.
It was the last evidence of the kind; the informant was hanged.
A custom . . . ingrafted into the monarchy of Rome.
We are at war with a system, which, by its essence, is inimical to all other governments.
Demagogues . . . bribed to this iniquitous service.
If this people [the Athenians] resembled Nero in their extravagance, much more did they resemble and even exceed him in cruelty and injustice.
A time of insecurity, when interests of all sorts become objects of speculation.
They made a sort of institute and digest of anarchy.
They will argue that the end being essentially beneficial, the means become instrumentally so.
Their murderous insurrectionary system.
All these are integrant parts of the republic.
All the intriguers in foreign politics, all the spies, and all the intelligencers . . . acted solely upon that principle.
The people . . . who behaved very unwisely and intemperately on that occasion.
These few restrictions, I hope, are no great stretches of intolerance, no very violent exertions of despotism.
The nature of man is intricate.
So many invalidations of their right.
They never depart an iota from the authentic formulas of tyranny and usurpation.
France was not then jacobinized.
A piece of joinery . . . whimsically dovetailed.
The body corporate of the kingdom, in juridical construction, never dies.
It has ever been the method of public jurists to draw a great part of the analogies on which they form the law of nations from the principles of law which prevail in civil community.
Kings will be tyrants from policy, when subjects are rebels from principle.
The evils latent in the most promising contrivances are provided for as they arise.
Law is beneficence acting by rule.
At the time I speak of, and having a momentary lead, . . . I am sure I did my country important service.
The levity that is fatigued and disgusted with everything of which it is in possession.
To open and to liberalize the mind.
The plan of extortion had been adopted in lieu of the scheme of confiscation.
No one generation could link with the other.
The loppings made from that stock whilst it stood.
My measures were . . . healing and mediatorial.
A medium of six years of war, and six years of peace.
To merge all natural . . . sentiment in inordinate vanity.
In this, as in most questions of state, there is a middle.
These are great questions, where great names militate against each other.
Many of the changes, by a great misnomer, called parliamentary “reforms”.
This opinion . . . mitigated kings into companions.
Cold hearts and muddy understandings.
And then when mumping with a sore leg, . . . canting and whining.
A sort of national convention, dubious in its nature . . . nosed Parliament in the very seat of its authority.
The influence of reason in producing our passions is nothing near so extensive as is commonly believed.
The nurse of manly sentiment and heroic enterprise.
When my occasions took me into France.
They were tolerably well bred, very officious, humane, and hospitable.
Good order is the foundation of all good things.
This mixed system of opinion and sentiment had its origin in the ancient chivalry.
A decomposition of the whole civil and political mass, for the purpose of originating a new civil order.
The engagement and pact of society which goes by the name of the constitution.
Those wicked panders to avarice and ambition.
If these panegyrists are in earnest.
An oppressive, . . . rapacious, and peculating despotism.
Every British subject . . . active in the discovery of peculations has been ruined.
The perennial existence of bodies corporate.
The violent convulsions and permutations that have been made in property.
A spirit of cabal, intrigue, and proselytism pervaded all their thoughts, words, and actions.
A people inheriting privileges, franchises, and liberties.
These institutions are the products of enthusiasm.
I have been endeavoring to prog for you.
This was a good, stout proof article of faith.
But eloquence may exist without a proportionable degree of wisdom.
They were possessed of a spirit of proselytism in the most fanatical degree.
One of those whom they endeavor to proselytize.
They will turn their backs on it, like their great precursor and prototype.
Government is a contrivance of human wisdom to provide for human wants.
I have no man's proxy: I speak only for myself.
The pruriency of curious ears.
When the ear receives any simple sound, it is struck by a single pulse of the air, which makes the eardrum and the other membranous parts vibrate according to the nature and species of the stroke.
A politician, to do great things, looks for a power -- what our workmen call a purchase.
The objections of these speculatists of its forms do not quadrate with their theories.
There is no qualification for government but virtue and wisdom, actual or presumptive.
The most determined exertions of that authority, against them, only showed their radical independence.
It would not be easy to conceive the passion, rancor, and malice of their tongues and hearts.
It would be absurd in me to range myself on the side of the Duke of Bedford and the corresponding society.
This would have left a rankling wound in the hearts of the people.
A perfect union of wit and judgment is one of the rarest things in the world.
Men have no right to what is not reasonable.
The state is to have recruits to its strength, and remedies to its distempers.
This was an error of opinion which a conflicting opinion would have rectified.
Restoring and rehabilitating the party.
When this remain of horror has entirely subsided.
There is also a false, reptile prudence, the result not of caution, but of fear.
There is much to be done . . . and much to be retrieved.
To make everything the reverse of what they have seen, is quite as easy as to destroy.
This abominable medley is made rather to revolt young and ingenuous minds.
In such cases the sublimity must be drawn from the other sources, with a strict caution, howewer, against anything light and riant.
That uncertain season before the rigs of Michaelmas were yet well composed.
Men have no right to what is not reasonable.
The assertion is still ringing in our ears.
I am not ripe to pass sentence on the gravest public bodies.
They see no difference between an idler with a hat and national cockade, and an idler in a cowl or in a rochet.
We have taken a terrible roundabout road.
They would not give a dog's ear of their most rumpled and ragged Scotch paper for twenty of your fairest assignats.
They who made their arrangements in the first run of misadventure . . . put a seal on their calamities.
You send troops to saber and bayonet us into submission.
He had in himself a salient, living spring of generous and manly action.
I can not speculate quite so sanguinely as he does.
The scornful, ferocious, sardonic grin of a bloody ruffian.
Excuse me if I have given too much scope to the reflections which have arisen in my mind.
The true lawgiver ought to have a heart full of sensibility.
This adds greatly to my sensibility.
It is this passion which drives men to all the ways we see in use of signalizing themselves.
Here everything is broken and smashed to pieces.
The din of all his smithery may some time or other possibly wake this noble duke.
But this weapon will snap short, unfaithful to the hand that employs it.
We have something fairer play than a reasoner could have expected formerly.
Upon any occasion he is to be spattered over with the blood of his people.
Grants to the house of Russell were so enormous, as not only to outrage economy, but even to stagger credibility.
The Punic wars could not have stood the human race in less than three millions of the species.
A disposition to preserve, and an ability to improve, taken together, would be my standard of a statesman.
They take up, one day, the most violent and stretched prerogative.
I shrewdly suspect that he is little studied of a theory of moral proportions.
When, by a cold penury, I blast the abilities of a nation, and stunt the growth of its active energies, the ill or may do is beyond all calculation.
One style to a gracious benefactor, another to a proud, insulting foe.
Their temporal ambition was wholly subservient to their proselytizing spirit.
It is insolent in words, in manner; but in substance it is not only insulting, but alarming.
By a miserable subterfuge, they hope to render this position safe by rendering it nugatory.
Nor as yet have we subtilized ourselves into savages.
He is a presumptuous and superficial writer.
A tyrany immediately supervened.
Matter and argument have been supplied abundantly, and even to surfeit.
That he may secure some liberty he makes a surrender in trust of the whole of it.
To prevent anything which may prove an obstacle to the full swing of his genius.
Every kind of insolent and taunting reflection.
We tolerate them because property and liberty, to a degree, require that toleration.
Too many of the financiers by professions are apt to see nothing in revenue but banks, and circulations, and annuities on lives, and tontines, and perpetual rents, and all the small wares of the shop.
I shall here only consider it as a transfer of property.
In France you are now . . . in the transit from one form of government to another.
Despotism itself is obliged to truck and huckster.
His lordship is his majesty's turnspit.
Men can not enjoy the rights of an uncivil and of a civil state together.
Another revolution, to get rid of this illegitimate and usurped government, would of course be perfectly justifiable.
It renders the habit of society dangerously valetudinary.
A cheap, bloodless reformation, a guiltless liberty, appear flat and vapid to their taste.
an ordinary community which is hostile or friendly as passion or as interest may veer about.
The venal cry and prepared vote of a passive senate.
They disdain such vermin when the mighty boar of the forest . . . is before them.
I looked on the consideration of public service or public ornament to be real and very justice.
What vestiges of liberty or property have they left?
The title of these lords was vicious in its origin.
In the groves of their academy, at the end of every vista, you see nothing but the gallows.
Without care it may be used to vitiate our minds.
Whatsoever its vogue may be, I still flatter myself that the parents of the growing generation will be satisfied with what to be taught to their children in Westminster, in Eton, or in Winchester.
The fanatics going straight forward and openly, the politicians by the surer mode of zigzag.